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Both he and Nicolás had been persecuted for their perceived promotion of traditional Maya culture during the Guatemalan Civil War. Fortunately both survived; others were “disappeared” or murdered. Once while discussing the altarpiece Diego said, “You know, I have had friends who were killed for doing this kind of thing. ” In this study I have recorded the names of members of the Chávez family who worked with the altarpiece at their request and with their express consent. These are the only personal names that I cite, a practice which is adopted by many researchers who work in Santiago Atitlán because of the danger that future political instability in the area might threaten those perceived to foster Maya cultural identity (Mendelson 1956, 1957; Carlsen 1997).

Where colonial precedents did not exist for ideas that they wished to present, the Chávez brothers developed their own innovative designs so as to avoid imitating styles foreign to the experience of their society. The absence of pre-Columbian motifs in their work does not, therefore, preclude the existence of an authentically Maya worldview or mode of expression. In contrast to Kubler’s definition of indigenismo, the altarpiece at Santiago Atitlán does not represent a revival of anything, since this terminology implies the death of the referent civilization.

The altarpiece at Santiago Atitlán provides a summary of the mythic deeds of gods and ancestors from long ago as they are revealed in the contemporary experience of the Tz’utujils. In this way all history is seen as a procession of repetitive events with different characters and circumstances, but always the same message. The world of the present is perceived as a shadow of things sacred and familiar. Mendelson wrote that the people of Santiago Atitlán explain new crises in terms of old ones. Events associated with the creation of the world are repeated again and again in times of conflict through living priest-shamans who carry out ancient rituals established by the first ancestors (1965, 93–94).

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