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By Romain Hugault

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7), and this makes them an interesting object of study. Nevertheless, of the Caldecotts they looked at (18 from 1967–1971, winners and runners-up), they found that (predictably), female characters were grossly underrepresented (in different ways), including in visuals and titles, and were usually ‘insignificant or inconspicuous’ (1976: 10). This is important: we are not just talking about visibility of female characters, or social and occupational roles, but also about prominence and status of those roles.

In the four books which showed women without aprons, the leading characters included a teaching sister whose habit had a long white frontispiece, a queen who was knitting, an Indian squaw who was stirring a pot of food, and a mother who was taking her children on an outing. (p. 918–19; for more on aprons, see Jackson and Gee, 2005) Pace Nilsen went on to analyse 80 picture books: Caldecott Medal Award winners2 from the previous 20 years. She found that: z z z all books included at least one male; in 6 there were no females 24 books had boys and only 10 had girls as leading characters there were 579 pictured males and 386 females.

There are (obviously) differences among women and among men; we can argue that these ‘intragroup’ differences are greater than ‘inter-group’ differences (between women and men). In other words, despite a popular what we might call ‘vive la différence’ discourse (see Sunderland, 2004), as well as the perennial efforts of the media to exaggerate apparent ‘differences’ between women and men (something I explore in Chapter 9), women and men remain broadly more similar than they are different. ) So similarities can and should be explored, as well as differences.

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