Hanspeter Kriesi; et al's New social movements in Western Europe : a comparative PDF

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By Hanspeter Kriesi; et al

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Although not pacified on the level of political representation, the mobilization potential of this cleavage is weakened by the fact that it crosscuts the predominant class cleavage. In contrast, in the religiously mixed countries, the religious cleavage has traditionally opposed Catholics and Protestants. In all three of them, the Catholics have organized in defense against the dominant Protestants, who were the decisive builders of the nation-state. In all three, however, the religious cleavage was largely pacified by the mid-seventies.

Finally, we shall present an empirical test of our arguments. Formal Institutional Structures Formal structures determine to a large extent the openness of access to the state, as well as its capacity to act. Contrary to Kitschelt (1986), who makes a basic distinction between “political input structures” and “political output structures,” we do not think that it is possible to separate these two types of structures clearly from one another. Open states tend at the same time to have only a limited capacity to act, whereas closed states tend to lack such a capacity.

Nature, as well as direct-democratic events. 4. This table gives a rather detailed description of the distribution in question, but let us concentrate for the moment on the total share of events accounted for by the different new social movements, on the one hand, and the corresponding share accounted for by other mobilization processes, on the other. As a comparison of these shares across countries shows, our expectations about the impact of the strength of traditional cleavages on the mobilization of the new cleavage are largely confirmed.

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